The Misanthropist Ares Wrath

The God-King of Warfare was desmystified again, millenium after the Twilight. The bloodthrist king, God of natural instinct of warfare, Helenic misanthropy and cult of fire, the personification of self and hate for the differences. Roman Mars!

The Hellenic people was ever claimed by him because there was no trust on a God who proclaimed war to make his cult survived. But after the world's liberatarianism and post-modern actions to destroy the self preservation, globalization, cult of universalism, pro-homossexual marriage and migration, destruction of culture in order of a multicultural world. NGO's from philantropists that preaches for the destruction of nationalism. War have beem claimed again in heard of nationalists. Hellenics wasn't different.

Turkish people claimed for nationalism. Russian is always claiming. The reborn of Cults of Pagan Ukrainians. Perun cults in Slavonic nations. Reborn of satanism in Europe as the self glorification of the human traditions. Evola's guide of the occultism and natural law in worldwide and christianity seems to be an universal order to deny the self... Hellas brought the Golden Dawn, the cult of the Hellenic tradition in order to restore the cultural society of tradition and history.

The party absorbed by the Patriot Aliance, announced the return to the militance in a paramilitary way, operating in politics and society in with nationalist speeches, promoting ultra nationalism in strenghtening the youth against the new world order. Greece was failing economicaly and the party had a solution to promote economical liberty, promotion of a ultra nationalist government and end of non-governmental organizations that promoted legality for migration and other possible problems that was breaking the economy of Greece.

In last years the followers of the Golden Dawn were involved in criminal activities promoted by society and attacks against anti-fascits musicians, communist groups and globalist defenders. The movement is comming from the new wave of populist far-right wings, as Azov Battalion, oposing to marxism, communism, and libertarianism as liberal capitalism.

The adepts of the group are most dissident from the christian churches that identify the paganism as the identity of Hellas, as the deputy ellected was a member of a Satanic Band and was elected promoting anti-immigration politics and ultra-nationalist claim.

Golden Dawn also referred to the name of the misanthropic satanism of Aleister Crowley, not really the same spiritual ideology, but promoting the idea of self glorification and the will to power, to promote economic and national pride.

The systematic program is based in the same militias that are reborn in Europe, like the Slovenia's Guard of Stakerska, Ukraine's Azov, and other groups that promotes political new paradigm based on traditionalism. Form militias and local asymmetric groups with involved military and civilians.

Operationaly, Golden Dawn is a party, but the call for warfare is imminent in a country that is economicaly failed and searching for new meanings to survive this economic warfare between NATO and other blocs.

That's a mirror for the ascention of the right wing nationalists world wide.

'Their ideas had no place here': how Crete kicked out Golden Dawn

Teachers and activists in Heraklion explain how they drove the ultra-nationalist, far-right Greek party from the island

https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2018/dec/03/their-ideas-had-no-place-here-how-crete-kicked-out-golden-dawn

ashing hangs from the balconies of an unassuming apartment block on Irodotou street in Heraklion, the capital of Crete. Outside, children ride bikes and old men play cards in a coffee shop. But before May this year, this building looked rather different. A sign hung outside reading: “Golden Dawn, Heraklion region”. The ultra-nationalist, far-right Greek party used this street as its local base.

It was local teachers who first spotted its influence. “Two of my 13-year-old students had family problems,” recalls Maria Oikonomaki, 50. “Golden Dawn approached them in cafes and the gym, presenting themselves as family and protectors. They took them for coffee and gave them lessons on Greek history.”

Then came the violence, including the stabbing of two Pakistani workers. “I thought to myself: ‘My god, what is happening in this neighbourhood?’” says Oikonomaki.

​Despite the attacks, Golden Dawn might ​have kept its foothold in Heraklion – or ​dug in deeper – had the city’s residents not decided to fight back.

Golden Dawn was formed in 1980 and remained a fringe party until Greece’s devastating financial crisis started in 2009. As faith in the major political parties ebbed away, Golden Dawn’s narrative of a once-great nation ruined by immigration struck a chord with some disillusioned voters. As well as becoming the third-largest party in the Greek parliament, it also established a street-based paramilitary wing that regularly attacked immigrants and political opponents.

“Because [Golden Dawn] is a grassroots movement, local support is fundamental to its success,” says Daphne Halikiopoulou, associate professor at Reading University and Golden Dawn expert. “It targeted areas where it knew it could build a good presence, and expanded its organisation significantly.”

The area it chose in Heraklion was the eastern suburb of Nea Alikarnassos. A working-class neighbourhood, it has a long history of immigration from Asia Minor and eastern Europe. Many residents are employed in construction and lost their jobs during the crisis. Golden Dawn quietly opened its office here in 2011.

Crete’s anti-fascist movement initially struggled to fight back.

“Our philosophy is that you never let the far right get hold of public space,” says Konstantinos (not his real name), a militant anti-fascist in his early 20s. “In warmer countries like Greece, public space is where the working class spends their lives. Wherever fascists are present, you have to make your presence felt too.”

So, when they found out about the new office, Konstantinos and other activists arranged a neighbourhood assembly. “There was a general consensus that people didn’t want Golden Dawn in the area,” he says, “but not enough people came to support the assembly. We realised we couldn’t have a presence in the area all the time. We tried to keep an eye on them, but there wasn’t much we could do.”

In September 2012, everything changed. In a crime that shocked the country, the prominent anti-fascist rapper Pavlos Fyssas was allegedly murdered on Golden Dawn’s orders. Huge protests broke out and 69 members of the party, including its leader, Nikolaos Michaloliakos, and 18 MPs, were arrested and charged with running a criminal organisation. Their trial is ongoing.

“Before this, a lot of people had the attitude of ‘We do not fear Golden Dawn, we just need to educate them’,” says Haris Zafiropoulos, a 27-year-old activist with New Left Current, a coalition of left-wing groups.

Activists such as Zafiropoulos embarked on a new strategy: taking to the streets and engaging in face-to-face conversations about fascism and why it needed to be confronted.

“Every weekend we went to the neighbourhood and spoke to people,” Zafiropoulos says. “Crete suffered a lot from the Nazis in the second world war, and whole villages were burned down. We tried to remind people what had happened before, and what is happening now.”

Meanwhile, across Crete, teachers rallied to address the radicalisation taking place in schools. “The way the fascists moved within the pupil community was so clever and so sneaky, we did not realise what was going on at first,” says Fotis Bichakis, founder of the Cretan League of Anti-Fascist Teachers. “It was easy for young students who were feeling frustrated to become manipulated.”

The teachers worked together to prepare lesson plans that taught history in a less nationalist way and explained and confronted fascist ideologies. The following spring, 56 schools collaborated on an anti-fascist festival.

“We celebrate the culture of all the migrant groups on the island, sharing their music, their traditions, the stories of how they came to Greece,” says Bichakis of the now-annual festival. “We took the philosophy of getting as many people together as possible – parents, teachers, pupils, university students. We tried to make [Golden Dawn] understand their ideas had no place in our region. And this was how we won.”

The teachers chose not to view already-recruited students as lost causes. “We always had faith they could come back to democratic ideals,” adds Bichakis. “As they saw more of their peers joining in with anti-fascism, they began to question whether they had been misled.”

Oikonomaki says she believes the strategy stopped any more of her pupils being radicalised. “We had students from Albania, Romania, Bulgaria,” she says. “I’d tell pupils: ‘Golden Dawn says other people are inferior to Greeks. Do you really think that about your friend John you sit next to every day?’”

Militant activists also made the controversial decision to confront the group violently. In April 2018, Konstantinos and around 70 other anti-fascists organised a night attack on the Heraklion office. “We destroyed everything of value – the floors, the ceilings, the AC unit,” he says. “We think that was the final straw for them.”

Indeed, Golden Dawn packed up and left two weeks later.

Not everyone in the community is happy about the violence. “It’s important we don’t come across as two sides of the same coin,” says Zafiropoulos.

Konstantinos, however, is unrepentant. “It worked!” he says. “We may not be able to stop Golden Dawn becoming celebrities in the media, but we can stop them spreading their roots within Greek society. Crete is the first major region of Greece to have no Golden Dawn presence … We have effectively stopped them from having any space to reproduce.”

Elsewhere in Greece, the far right appears to be on the rise again. The country’s dispute with Macedonia over its name has led to swell of nationalism, and there have been violent attacks on politicians and asylum-seekers. Halikiopoulou believes anti-fascist activism of the type used in Crete can work “on a local level. But opposition cannot and should not be confined to the anti-fascist left. We need something on a more organised, mainstream level.”

Oikonomaki is wary of saying the battle is fully over. “We could easily communicate who Golden Dawn were and why they were bad,” she says. “But the crisis is not over, and people still want to put the blame on someone. Hidden fascism is almost more dangerous.”

Golden Dawn: how the Greek far right wrote the playbook others now use to go mainstream

http://theconversation.com/golden-dawn-how-the-greek-far-right-wrote-the-playbook-others-now-use-to-go-mainstream-100987

Around the world it seems far-right groups can infiltrate the mainstream regardless of a given country’s political present or past. The question is, then, how do they do it?

The far-right movement Golden Dawn, based in Greece, is a prime example of how fringe groups can become major political forces. Since it first emerged in the early nineties, the group has adapted to change, seized political opportunities, and diversified and expanded its base. Golden Dawn first came to public attention in 1992, as Greeks were demonstrating in their thousands against a proposal to give the name Macedonia to the neighbouring former Yugoslav Republic. Golden Dawn’s hardline position was that Macedonia belongs to the cultural heritage of modern Greece, and that naming an independent nation after it would provoke territorial claims against Greek territories.

Throughout the 1990s, Golden Dawn began deradicalising its discourse in order to run for election. But the deep financial crisis that shook the foundations of the nation in the late 2000s provided the group with new opportunities. Greece entered a spiral of high fiscal deficits, recession, unemployment, bail-out loans and austerity. The consequences were unevenly distributed between classes. Resentment rose, and economic issues spilt over into the political realm. A major realignment of the party system followed.

Greece’s main populist far-right party Popular Orthodox Rally (LAOS) was formed in 2000 by George Karatzaferis, a former member of Greece’s major centre-right party New Democracy. As the crisis unfolded, LAOS began to emerge as a political force on a nationalist, xenophobic platform. The party associated immigration with Greece’s domestic problems and found its winning formula. By 2007, it had entered parliament and by 2011 it was part of an interim three-party coalition government.

Whilst Golden Dawn’s position remained the most nationalist, anti-immigrant and coherent throughout the crisis, LAOS’s successes worked to Golden Dawn’s advantage. Golden Dawn’s toned-down rhetoric brought it directly into the programmatic territory of this main competitor and various links were forged between the two. For instance, two Golden Dawn members were listed as LAOS representatives in the 2002 local elections, giving Golden Dawn an experience in institutionalised politics. As the crisis developed and LAOS set about introducing its anti-immigration agenda at the government level, it helped legitimise Golden Dawn’s xenophobic discourse.

This process continued as centre-right party New Democracy under Antonis Samaras gradually started to absorb LAOS’ anti-immigration agenda. LAOS itself was weakened as a result of its stint in coalition government. Many of its supporters had voted for its anti-establishment agenda and were turned off by its participation in establishment parties’ economic policies. This opened up new opportunities for Golden Dawn.

Winning the ground war

Learning from other social movements, Golden Dawn set up a football hooligan team, the Azure Army, and a youth branch, Counterattack. These side projects have enabled Golden Dawn to keep its most radical followers happy while attracting new members from among radical youth groups. The Azure Army incited the first pogrom against foreigners in modern Greek history in Athens, after Greece won the UEFA Euro 2004.

But Golden Dawn’s most powerful play was securing a local stronghold in Athens by taking control of a city-centre neighborhood with one of the highest non-Greek populations. This was achieved through pogroms and individual violent attacks but also door-to-door canvassing. It also engaged in grassroots activism. Golden Dawn set up “people’s committees”, which complained in the media about immigrant criminality. It distributed a journal called “The Voice of the Residents of Agios Panteleimonas”.

Later on, Golden Dawn enriched its repertoire with a series of “social policies”. It started distributing food to natives in need (after ID control), clothes and toys to orphans, and even started a blood donation campaign “only for Greeks”.

By 2012 it had consolidated its position in the Greek parliament. By 2015 it had become the third opposition party. Even as it takes its place in the mainstream, it remains one of the most extreme formations in Europe. It is inspired by National Socialist ideological and organisational principles and opposes democracy, communism and liberalism.

In 2016, Golden Dawn proposed strict legislation to crack down on “illegal migration”. Since 2015, many of the party’s high and low-ranking members have been on trial for a series of offences, including manslaughter and gun possession. But, rather than denting Golden Dawn’s popularity, the party has been active in confronting the PR surrounding these trials. It has used its own alternative media channels – a newspaper, radio station and online TV station – to distribute its own alternative information.

The trials provide Golden Dawn with the perfect opportunity to present itself as victim of state repression – an image that has long resonated with its anti-establishment base.

By adapting its narrative, developing mobilisation strategies and striking political alliances with right-wing parties already in the mainstream, Golden Dawn made its way to a position of great influence in Greece. Its story shows how important adaptability is to fringe groups. It helps them to become sustainable, even when threatened. By adapting, far-right fringe groups can advance within a democratic system, like left-wing movements do.